Democratic legislatures Essay

â€Å"The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It is unalterably opposed to every effort to debase our currency or disturb our credit. It resumed specie payments in 1879, and since then it has made and kept every dollar as good as gold. This it will continue to do, maintaining all the money of the United States, whether gold, silver or paper, at par with the best money of the world and up to the standard of the most enlightened governments. Towards the middle of the week the group of gentlemen participating in these conferences was increased by several accessions from the number of Mr. McKinley’s friends in other states, among whom may be mentioned Mr. Henry C. Payne, William R. Merriam and Melville E. Stone. After his arrival Mr. Henry C. Payne became particularly active in getting the conference together and in having the platform typewritten anew, after every change, and in having copies supplied to each participant. On Friday morning Mr. H. H. Kohlsaat of Chicago joined the conference, having come over from Chicago in response to a telegram particularly for that purpose. Mr. Kohlsaat’s relation to the whole matter was peculiar. The next step for Mr. Hanna and his assistants was to secure some strong endorsements by the State Conventions. Ohio was already in line, having endorsed McKinley for the nomination in the State Convention of 1895. The Convention of 1896 met at Columbus on March 10. Mr. Foraker, who had recently been elected United States Senator, made a lengthy speech, as temporary chairman, enumerating the many reasons why McKinley should receive â€Å"the united, hearty, cordial, enthusiastic, and unqualified support of Ohio. † The platform contained a ringing endorsement, which was greeted with a volley of cheers, and a resolution was adopted instructing the delegates-at-large to vote and work for his nomination. A telegram was received from the Kansas Convention assuring their support of McKinley, to which Ohio replied with enthusiasm. Wisconsin followed nine days later, and then came Oregon, Nebraska, North Dakota, and even Vermont. Indiana fell into line at an early date. Charles W. Fairbanks, who was to preside as temporary chairman of the convention, called upon General Harrison early in the year, and said to him frankly, â€Å"If you, General, wish to be a candidate, I shall help you. If not, I am for Major McKinley. † Harrison replied that he had wanted the nomination in 1892 and desired to succeed himself, but after four years of Democratic administration the thought of reorganizing the Government was intolerable. He added with twinkling eye, â€Å"Your friend Cleveland is making my administration luminous. † Indiana soon after declared for McKinley. McKinley wanted to retain the system’s mobility and diversity, to let men fulfill their talents. He championed tariff protection specifically and the Republican party generally because he rightly understood that both promoted national interests. Naturally and honestly echoing the rhetoric of responsible individualism, he did not seek to advance at society’s expense. The belief that material security fostered social responsibility might be as idealistic as facile self-sacrifice based on man’s alleged innate goodness and rationality, but it at least accepted limitations in democratic politics, and the understandable reluctance of men to abandon old ideals. Some Republicans, and many Democrats, represented only business interests, but McKinley’s background, personality, and constituency opened his mind to change and moderation. As a congressman, he favored civil service reform, federal protection of voting rights, and workable business regulation, reflecting the needs and aspirations of an expanding middle and working class. Like Mark Hanna, he had many friends in organized labor, and protection heightened his appeal in shops and factories. He visited the mines, warehouses, forges, and plants in his district, and got a warm welcome from most workers. His uncertain district, which Democratic legislatures regularly gerrymandered, was a blessing in disguise. He never had the luxury of safety. In American politics, a safe constituency was the kiss of death, since it isolated leaders from change and new demands. McKinley’s whole congressional career sharpened his talents for compromise. In his own time, he was a liberal Republican, as many followers who later became reformers readily attested. â€Å"I always felt that McKinley represented the newer view,† Robert La Follette recalled. â€Å"Of course, McKinley was a high protectionist, but on the great new questions as they arose he was generally on the side of the public and against private interests. † By 1896, the Ohioan well represented the elements that could give the GOP a long lease on life.